Sunday, October 09, 2005

Authentic work on Sitawaka kingdom Book Review by R. S. Karunaratne.

Authentic work on Sitawaka kingdom

Sithavaka Rajadhaniye Unnathiyeda Avanathiyeda Samahara Ansha Pilibanda Vimarshanayak
Author: Prof. Risiman Amarasinghe
Author publication
Ramindu Mahala, Seeduwa North, Seeduwa
268 pp Price Rs. 680


Researchers appear to be a dying breed. With consumerism taking hold of society the majority are looking for projects that bring quick results.

Against such a deplorable situation Prof. Risiman Amarasinghe's indepth research on the rise and fall of the kingdom of Sitawaka comes as a welcome publication. He has spent a long time tracing the sources and consulting every available book to compile and present his thesis.

Some of his source books have not been printed yet. For example, Sitawaka Rajasinha Rajja Kalaya can be sited. He has also had recourse to two other unpublished books, namely, Sitawaka Hatana and Sitawaka Sannasa.

Among the other sources used by the author are Medagoda Sannasa, Maniyamgama ola leaf, Tikiri Rajjuru Bandara Asthana's birth certificate and Shailendrasinghe's ola leaf. He has given a useful introduction to all these sources.

Prof. Amarasinghe has referred to a number of published books, such as, Rajavaliya, Alakeshwara Yuddaya, Konsthantheenu Hatana, Savul Sandesha, Mandaram Pura Puvatha, Asgiri Thalpatha and Chulavamsa.

What is more, he has researched the books written by foreigners like Fernao de Queyroz and Pauloda Trinidade. In addition, the author has made use of a large number of research papers and books written about the Sitawaka era by local writers. As a result, the book has become an authentic reference book today.

At the beginning of the book Prof. Amarasinghe analyses the political set-up of the country during the 16th century. Then he pays attention to the expansion of the Sitawaka kingdom.

While substantiating his claims with historical evidence, he describes how the Kotte kingdom was divided among Buvanekabahu, Pararajasinghe and Mayadunna after the Wijayaba Kollaya.

History of any country is full of myths, legends and half-truths. The author has been very cautious to point out such instances in his book. For instance, it is said that Bhikkhus were persecuted during Sitawaka Rajasinghe's rule.

However, Prof. Amarasinghe is of the view that only the Bhikkhus who were involved in anti-government activities might have faced the wrath of the king. He rejects the view that the king got Bhikkhus killed.

The book also devotes a section to highlight the economic progress in Sitawaka. The author points out that the kingdom got its revenue from the sale of cinnamon, coconuts, arecanuts, elephants, gems and pepper.

Chapter 8 describes how Sitawaka Rajasinghe waged his numerous wars. The king's army consisted of foreign mercenaries and soldiers recruited locally. He also gives a graphic account of the arms and ammunition used during the war.

The book comes with 13 maps and a useful bibliography. Therefore it is an ideal companion to anyone who is interested in our history and undergraduates and graduates preparing for higher studies.

Friday, October 07, 2005

Sandagiri Buddha statues discovered

A rare Buddha statue belonging to third century BC and two statues of Bodhisatvas have been unearthed from a private land at Sandagirigoda in Tissamaharama.
The seven foot Buddha statue made of white marble and resembles the Anuradhapura Aukana Statue, a Archaeology Department official said adding that they were studying how the statues came to be found in the south. The Bodhisatva statues were five feet in height.

Ven. Pathberiya Gnanaloka Thera, who heads the southern cultural project, said he believed the private land from where the statues were unearthed must be the site of a 'Pilimage' which existed about 2 kilometers away from the Sandagiriya dagoba to the east of Tissamaharma Chaitya.

(http://www.dailymirror.lk/archives/dmr020102/)

Madagascar a mysterious settlement - the Portuguese fort near Tolanaro by Marco Ramerini

The big island of Madagascar was discovered in 1500 by a Portuguese fleet under the command of Diogo Dias. The Portuguese called the new discovered island Ilha de São Lourenço.

The island was visited several times during the XVI and XVII centuries but never permanently settled. Lots of shipwrecks wasted along its coasts.

In the year of 1613 the Vice Roy Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo sent a Portuguese expedition to explore the shores of the island. This expedition discovered that "gente branca" (white people) were lived in a place in the southern side of the island. These white people had settled in a river island they had called the island of Santa Cruz.

The Portuguese expedition visited the place. In the island, was found a stone tower or a fort with two doors, there was then a fine marble "Padrão" with two faces. On one side was carved the coat of arms of Portugal with the following words underneath: REX PORTUGALENSIS. On the other side the Holy Cross was carved and, close to the Padrão on the ground there was a stone cross. The expedition also found three graves with crosses.

It is speculated that this settlement was built by Portuguese that at the beginning of the XVI century (1505 ? 1527 ?) somehow had survived a shipwreck.

A chronicler of the XVII century referred that the local population massacred the Portuguese having settled this place. The chronicler also stated that at his own time (1600) there were many Mestiços born from a mixed crossbreed between the shipwrecked people and the local inhabitants.

Still today, in the XX century, near Tolanaro or Fort Dauphin, in an island at the mouth of the Vinanibe River the remains of this settlement are visible. The fort is square shaped and it is a very important historical witness, because it is the first European building build in Madagascar.

The History of the City - Chilaw

In ancient times, Chilaw was famous for its pearl fisheries and known as Muthu Halawatha.

According to the Mahawansha, there were very valuable pearls among the presents sent to the King of Madurapura by King Vijaya. It could be understood that pearl fishery was existed in the northwest sea coast where King Vijaya was landed and initially established his power at that time. According to the Plinie in Rome, that the pearls brought from the gulf of Mannar and northwest coast of Ceylon were the highest precious pearls in the world. Tolemi (150AD) also had known about the pearl fishery in the gulf of Mannar.

Although the written records do not relate the history of Chilaw beyond the 12th century, Hindus belive that God Vishnu worshipped Munneswaram temple eons ago and that the shrine was established by the epic hero Rama, himself an avatar (incarnation) of Vishnu 130 million years ago.

It is said that the Thumula Soma Pirivena at Munneswarama was constructed by a minister of King Devanampiyatissa known as Thumaula Soma.

Salavaththota or Chilaw was also an important landing place and sea port from the twelth century onwards. Between the years 1189 AD and 1200 AD the Cholas landed at Slavaththota in their third invasion of Ceylon. (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society No 82, VOL XXXI pages 385-6)

The Dambadeni Asna also refers to the landing of foreigners at the same port. In 1344 when Iban Bathutha landed at the Slavat (Chilaw) port, he had noticed that there were cineman stacked for export.

Chilaw was included in the Mayarata when Ceylon was divided into three divisions. The Deduru Oya (also known as Gargara Nadee or Maya Nadee), which is two miles away towards the north of Chilaw, separated the Pihitirata from Mayarata. The kingdom of Chilaw extended from Negombo as far as the mountain of Gurudumale (Kudure Malaie) and adjoined the Seven Korales. (Catholic Chilaw by E.Aloysius Fernando page 1)

The King Parakrama Bahu the great (1153 - 1186 AD) before becoming the king of the whole country was ruling the Mayarata from the capital of Panuwasnuwara, which is situated 20 miles away from Chilaw. Most of the irrigation work done by him were based on the Deduru Oya. Therefore the prsent area known as Chilaw district was populated before 12th century.

When Arya Chakravarthi, King of Jaffna, challenged the Sinhalese army under Alakeswara, the detachment of the army that was brought from India by the King of Jaffna had been stationed between Chilaw and Colombo and held a continous communication. (The Kingdom of Kandy by Fr. S.G.Perera) It is said that the army of Arya Chakravarthi sent by land advanced as far as Matale where it was defeated. The army that went by sea landed at Panadura but was defeated by Alakeswara in 1368, who also captured the Tamil encampments of Colombo, Wattala, Negombo and Chilaw. According to the Nikaya Sangrahaya, at the time Colombo, Wattala, Negombo and Chilaw were important feoreign trade centres and the ruler of Jaffna apparently attempted to control the foreign trade of the island.

Chilaw has occupied a fairly importance place when the establishment of the capital at Kotte in the end of 14h century. Guththila Kavya, a sinhala poem which is beleived to have been written during the Kotte period makes a reference regarding a minister known as Jayapala residing at Chilaw as "Salavatha Jayapala methidun".

At a later period when the Mukkuwas became hostile to the King of Kotte and took possesion of Puttalam. Accordng to the Mukkaru Hatana, the Mukkuwas from India had landed off the Puttlam coast and were preparing to capture the land. King Sri Parakrama Bahu VI of Kotte (1412 - 1467 AD) appealed to the three towns Chanchipura, Kaveripattanam and Killakkare and an army with Arsakulasuriya Mudiyanse, Kurukulasuriya Mudiyanse, Varnakulasuriya Adappa Unnahay, Manikka Thalavan as Generals embarked for Ceylon to help the King. (Ithihasa by Rev. Sri Sumangala Pg 60). The success gained by these Generals in quelling the power of the enemy pleased the King and he donated t them on Thamba sannas, Anavilundawa and Munneswarama (near Chilaw) ,Meegomuwa, Grand street, Vella veediya etc. All of these Generals and their battalian were belonged to the Surya Clan. Those that settled in Chilaw belonged to the Mihindukulasuriya Clan. Itmay be interesting to note that there are five sub clans in Chilaw. They are the Fernando, Perera, Peiris, Pinto and Costa. (The Karave of Ceylon by M.D.Raghavan). It may be interesting to note that the King of Kotte in recognition of the Surya Clan also granted them a number of flags. Among these there was a separate Karava Kodiya for Chilaw. (Sinhala Banners and Standards by E.W.Perera)

(http://www.ucchilaw.com/fraim/fraim%20history/mainframe.htm)

Services rendered by Dumbara Kings to Language, Literature and Arts by S. B. Karalliyadde

The State sponsored literary festival is just concluded. The famous books and chronicles such as Muwadewdawatha, Saddhamalankaraya, Rasavahini, Kav Silumina and many more books were written during the Dumbara Kings period which is more popularly known as the Dambadeniya period.

The 'Dambadeni Yugaya' is the period commencing from 1246 and lasting nearly eighty years up to the period of Parakrama Bahu IV better known as Panditha Parakrama Bahu.

The Dambadeniya period was inaugurated by Vijaya Bahu III a native of Galahitiyawa village presently belonging to Uda Dumbara electorate.

It was this prince known as Bodhiraja of Galahitiyawa who freed the country from the atrocities of Maga, an intruder from Kalinga who ruled the country for 21 years from 1215 to 1236 causing endless strife and misery to the Sinhalese.

He built his fortress and palace in Medamahanuwara city (presently in Teldeniya) and waged war against Maga and chased him out of the country. Even the Pandiyan king who ruled from Polonnaruwa known as Nissanka Malla could not withstand the atrocities of Maga and fled to Bodhiraja prince for protection.

Dumbara and Malayarata were never attacked by Maga for fear of prince Bodhiraja. It was this prince who later became Vijaya Bahu III and started his reign from Dambadeniya. He took under his control Hewaheta and Kotmale areas, took the Sri Dalada relic from Pussulpitiya, Kotmale to Beligala in Satarakorale, built a temple for the tooth relic and kept the relics there for safety and veneration by the people.

From Beligala temple of the tooth relic the relic was taken with all due honours enroute to Dambadeniya by this king and deposited in a vihara built for the tooth relic.

One son of Wijayabahu known as Parakrama Bahu II alias Pandith Parakrama Bahu ruled from Dambadeniya for thirty four years (1236-1270). He was the one who wrote the Vissudhi Marga Sannasa and Wanawinisa Sennasa. He was also known as Kalikala Sahitya Panditha.

His son Vijaya Bahu IV reigned from Yapahuwa and Dambadeniya from 1270-1272. Rajaratnakaraya and Nikaya Sangarawa names him as Bosat Vijayabahu. His son ruled for 12 years from 1272 to 1284 making Dambadeniya and Yapahuwa his capital as Buwaneka Bahu I.

The ruler from 1287 to 1294 was Parakrama Bahu III who was the son of Parakrama Bahu II. The king who ruled from Kurunegala in 1293 to 1302 as Buwaneka Bahu II was the son of Buwaneka Bahu I. He was the grandson of Buwaneka Bahu III born in Dumbara. Once again the king who ruled from 1302-1326 as Parakrama Bahu IV alias Pandith Parakrama Bahu was the son of Buwaneka Bahu II.

It was during the reign of Dumbara kings that there was peace and prosperity in the country and the country was under one flag, a unitary state. It was during this regime that so much was done to improve the arts, literature and language of the Sinhalese.

In an era where these kings had no five star hotel comforts, no Kentucky Chicken or Keells Sausages, Pizza etc. the kings protected the motherland hiding in rock caves and village houses, consuming rice and kurahan talapa produced in Dumbara lands with all the fresh vegetable and fruits grown locally. It is regrettable that the authorities failed to mention one word about the noble deeds of our kings.

Literature and language

Muwadewdawatha, Subodalankaraya, Saddarmalankaraya, Vurthodaya, Pujawaliya, Dhathu Manjusawa, Herana Sika Vinisa, Amawatura, Susadda Siddiya, Youga Nimnaya, Buthsarana, Dhata Vansaya, Rasavahini, Sidath Sangarawa, Kaw Silumina etc. were written during the period of rule by Dumbara kings.

The ruler in Kurunegala from 1326 to 1335 was Buwaneka Bahu III alias Wanni Buwaneka Bahu. He was the son of Pandith Parakrama Bahu II, the people of Wendaruwa in the present Teldeniya electorate are descendants of this family.

After that from 1335 to 1341 Vijaya Bahu V reigned from Yapahuwa. The sacred tooth relic which was in Yapahuwa was taken away by Ariya Chackrawarthi to the Pandyan country during the rule of Buwaneka Bahu I from 1272 to 1284.

The tooth relic was brought back by Parakrama Bahu III who ruled from Kurunegala in 1287-1293. He was the son of Vijaya Bahu IV. The ruler of Kurunegala Buwanekabahu II (1293-1302) is the son of Buwanekabahu I.

The son of Buwaneka Bahu II reigned from 1302 to 1326 as Parakramabahu IV. The ruler from 1326 to 1335 at Kurunegala Buwaneka Bahu III was also from Mediwaka presently in Uda Dumbara electorate.

After Vijayabahu V who ruled from Dambadeniya and Yapahuwa from 1335 to 1341 the kingdom changed to Gampola and from 1341-1351 and Buwanekabahu IV ruled. He was from Galahitiyawa in Dumbara and was the brother of Vijayabahu V. This is the king who built Lankatilaka Viharaya. He hails from Talagune in the Uda Dumbara electorate.

After him the king who ruled from 1356 to 1371 from places like Keulgama, Pallepitiya and Gampola was Wickrama Bahu III alias Pandith Wickrama Bahu. Wickrama Bahu's queen was Senkanda Biso Bandara whose name was chosen by the king to name the city he built as Senkadagala. She was a daughter of Panditha Parakrama Bahu.

Wickrama Bahu ruled from Pallepitiya built by his father Gampola Buwaneka Bahu. Wickrama Bahu was the first king to build the temple of the tooth in 1356.

He asweddumised the Wendarupitiya welyaya in Dumbara and offered the land to the temple of the tooth. He was the king who wrote Ummagga Jathaka, Pansiya Panas Jathaka, Elu Attanagalu Vansaya, Elu Bodhi Vansaya, Lokopakaraya, Sadharmalankaraya etc.

Weera Bahu, a nephew of Panditha Parakrama Bahu II led a war against a gang of sea farers (Malays) who invaded the country at the time and drove them from hill country to Jawakkotte (the fortress of the Javak regiment) presently known as Chavakacheri in Jaffna.

Prince Weerabahu having won the war went to Dondra, made offerings to Lord Upulvan, built a Pirivena by the name of Nandana and returned to Gampola. The paddy field asweddumised by him, is Weerawela in Uda Dumbara.

Pandit Parakrama Bahu's daughter Sumithra was the queen of Parakrama Bahu VI who ruled from Senkadagala from 1409 to 1415.

Parakrama Bahu was a grandson of Weerabahu II alias Deva Manthri who ruled in Gampola. Parakrama Bahu and Sumithra's son was Parakrama Bahu VII alias Dedigama Parakrama Bahu who reigned in Dedigama from 1415 to 1460.

Vijaya II ruled from Gampola, Mediwaka and Pallepitiya from 1345 to 1396. During the period of 1396/97 king Thunayama alias Thunayesa reigned in Keulgama, Pallepitiya and Weragama. This king is the son of Dedigama Parakarama Bahu's daughter Pubbare Kumari and Dumbara Hatan Bandara.

Later Weera Alakeswara made Gampola his capital and ruled for 12 years from 1397 to 1409. Alakeswara was the grandson of Buwaneka Bahu III alias Wanni Buwaneka Bahu.

When Alakeswara was taken captive to China the king who ruled from Senkadagala from 1409 to 1415 was Parakrama Bahu VI, a grandson of Weerabahu II> Again the capital changed over to Dedigama and Parakrama Bahu VII son of Parakrama Bahu VI ruled from 1415 to 1460.

After this period Jothiya Situ Sub king ruled from Medamahanuwara and Senkadagala from 1460 to 1462. He was a grandson of Pandit Parakrama Bahu.

The period from 1462 to 1463 was ruled once again by Thunayama mentioned earlier from Poddalgoda in the present Teldeniya electorate. Due to internal conflicts over the kingship a 'mauriyan' prince from Matale Senasammatha Wickrama Bahu succeeds to the throne and under him for the first time in the history four sub kings rule the country.

Gangoda Bandara a descendent from Buwaneka Bahu family rules in Sath Korale sub kingdom, son of Parakrama Bahu of Senkadagala Mediwaka Parakrama Epa rules from Wellassa, a grandson of Pandita Wickrama Bahu Keulgama Arawe Bandara was sub king of Hewaheta and a grandson of Gampola Buwaneka Bahu Talagune Bandara ruled over Udunuwara and Yatinuwara.

At the demise of Senasammatha Wickrama Bahu Jayaweera I who was married to a niece of Senasammatha Wickrama Bahu Jayaweera I who was married to a niece of Senasammatha succeeded to the Senkadagala throne from 1483 to 1497.

As Jayaweera I had not issues Thunayama rules from Keulgama and Pallepitiya. After this the Senkadagala kingdom divided into Kotte and Seethawaka and from 1514 to 1529 Parakrama Bahu VIII rules from Kotte. Simultaneously Jayaweera II alias Karalliyadde Bandara ruled in Senkadagala. Jayaweera II was expelled by the people led by Giddawa Bandara, Dumbara Hatan Bandara supported by the priests of Malwathu and Asgiriya.

This incident was sequel to a promise made by Jayaweera to give his daughter in marriage to Prince Dharmapala of Kotte. After this incident Weera Wikrama Bahu alias Rankodipathrannehe son of Tunayama rules in Senkadagala from 1543 to 1579.

He is also known as 'Pallepitiya Rajjuruwo'. He built a chaitya in Malwatte enshrining the alms bowl of the Buddha. Jayaweera III alias Karalliyadde Kumara Bandara son of Jayaweera II ascends to the Senkadagala throne from 1579-1582. He was banished from the throne by Rajasingha of Sitawaka in 1582 replacing Weerasundara Bandara second son of Thunayama.

Yamasingha, a nephew of Jayaweera III banishes Weerasundara and becomes the ruler from 1585. Yamasingha is murdered by Konappu Bandara who become the king in 1591 under the title of Wimaladharmasuriya I.

Up to Narendrasingha of Kundasale, it was the Dumbara kings who rendered yeoman service to the arts, culture, literature and languages of Sri Lanka.

(http://www.dailynews.lk/2005/03/01/fea13.html)

Kotte: The capital of the Sinhalese Kings from the early 15th to the late 16th century by ASIFF HUSSEIN

Kotte, the one-time capital of the Sinhalese Kings is slowly waking up from its slumber after centuries of neglect under colonial rule.

The city more properly known as Jayawardhanapura Kotte or 'The Fortress in the Victory-enhancing City' served as the capital of the Sinhalese Kings from the early 15th to the late 16th century before it fell into the hands of the Portuguese imperialists with the death of its last ruler, the puppet king Don Juan Dharmapala who willed his kingdom to Philip I of Portugal in 1597.

With the Portuguese occupation and subsequent Dutch and British rule Kotte fell on evil days and it was only recently with the shifting of the administrative capital from Colombo to Sri Jayawardhanapura Kotte that its important place in the national life of the country was restored though whether it will ever regain its former glory yet remains to be seen.

Kotte was built in the 14th century by a scion of a powerful family of Kerala ancestry Nissanka Alagakkonara in a village called Darugama. It was fortified by high walls surrounding an area of about one square mile while a deep moat encircled it. It was perhaps Sri Lanka's grandest and most fortified metropolis of its day. The very name Kotte is said to have derived from the Malayalam Kottai meaning 'fortress' and this is exactly what it was, a veritable fortress the later kings made their home, court and seat of government.

Regional flags

Situated in Etul Kotte in the heart of the old capital is the E.W. Perera Memorial Kotte Archaeological Museum named after one of Kotte's greatest sons, E.W. Perera also known as 'The Lion of Kotte'. The museum set up in 1992 is housed in the Ihala Valawwa, the home of E.W. Perera and contains a variety of artefacts recovered from Kotte and elsewhere including various regional flags, costumes, weapons, pottery and chinaware.

The rich collection of flags on display is particularly impressive. One would find here the Narasinha Kodiya with the figure of a lion with a human head in red, black and white from Ambakke Devale, the Hansa Kodiya of Mahanuwara with stylised goose in black, white and maroon from Uva Disava, the Monara Kodiya with a black peacock against a white field with a maroon crescent above it and the Gajasinha Kodiya of Nuwara Kalaviya depicting a composite creature with a lion's body in green and the trunk of an elephant in yellow.

Besides these, one would find the Kotte Kodiya with a highly stylised lion in black , white and maroon clutching a whip-like object in its paw, the Sath Korale Kodiya with stylised lion and sun and moon in white against a maroon field, the Satara Korale Kodiya depicting a stylised sun with human face in the centre and two crescents facing it and the Valapane Disa Kodiya showing a peacock-like bird trampling a cobra.

Colonial attire

One would also find here a good collection of colonial-period costumes. Especially interesting are the long-sleeved white jackets embellished with renda lace adorned with floral motifs.

A few of these even have a piece of cloth attached to and extending from the sleeves to cover the hands upto the wrists. These costumes evidently borrowed from the Portuguese were commonly worn by upper-class Sinhalese women until about a century or so ago when it gradually gave way to the sari imported from India with the blessings of Sinhala Buddhist nationalists like Anagarika Dharmapala.

Besides these one would find a veskat, a kind of female bodice with collars and long sleeves ending in a triangular shape at the waist and a Bost trokke, a jacket-like female upper garment with laces in front to fasten it.

Among the native cloths on display may be mentioned a Somana cloth in beige and green with floral motifs, a pata kambaya with maroon and yellow squares and a Kukkuta saluva with figures of red cocks which had been donated to Ambakke Devalaya.

Besides these one would find an assortment of brown and blond tresses similar to the havariya used by Sinhalese women. They however appear to have belonged to Portuguese or Dutch women as suggested by their colour, the brown tresses probably being Portuguese and the blond tresses Dutch.

Piece of art

Archaeological excavations in and around the Kotte area have also revealed some interesting findings.

Notable among them are a female figurine measuring about four inches holding in her arms an even smaller figure found near the diya agala or moat near the Mahasen Devmedura, a bell with a handle of a human figure found in the vicinity and an old wooden fruit squeezer, a large key, a few bricks and a variety of pottery recovered from the area in and around the Dalada Medura of Kotte.

Besides these one would find more recent tableware like some old Chinese porcelain plates in monochrome like blue, green, beige and brown depicting themes like Chinese style house, sailing ship, bird and flower, a bowl with a red crescent probably used by the Moors of yore to make that delectable brown pudding we know as Wattalappam and an antique multi-coloured cake plate depicting a countryside scene with cottage and flowers, a truly fascinating piece of art.

Besides these one would find some antiquated swords of various sizes including one with the head of a lion similar to a Sinhalese kastane, a kinissa sword with ivory handle and an old head of a keteriya or Sinhalese battle axe.

Firearms include a particularly long double-barreled pistol of about 16 inches with a handle thought to be made of buffalo horn.

Last, but not least must be mentioned E.W. Perera's personal collection including his famous black coat and hat and a baldric with a badge depicting a crown on either side of which are the words GR for George Rex and the name 'The Hon'ble E.W. Perera' below it.

(http://www.lankalibrary.com)

The Buried Kingdom of Kotte

Past the junction of Rajagiriya, now the gate-way to the administrative hub of our island, namely the Sri Jayawardene Parliament Complex, one enters a strange terrain. Externally no evidence of any extraordinary or spectacular aspect is visible since the suburban aspects of Colombo s fringe territory marked by the thick asphalt and concrete jungle continues here too with a regular monotony. But what makes the terrain special is that underneath all these modern concrete structures and the network of roads on which a seething populace walk and ribbons of vehicles ply back and forth in mad frenzy, sleeps a mighty city.

It was the capital of our island from 1415-1565 AD predominated by the long reign of Parakrama Bahu VI, the last Sinhala king who ruled a unified Lanka. The attacks on the kingdom both by external aggressors as the Portuguese and internal dissidents were so ferocious that only meagre visible remnants testify to the existence of a once magnificent city. Just past the junction of Rajagiriya or Welikada (the more authentic name) along the Battaramulla road, one comes to the bridge under which flows a rivulet of the famous Diyawanna Oya (river) that snaked around the city. It was in the proximity of this bridge that the resplendent gateway to the old city had stood. It had been a stone-hewn gigantic entrance and no trace of it now remains. The city had been circumscribed by a mighty rampart and moat built by Nissanka Alagakkonara, a minister. Very few traces of this moat and rampart are now visible here and there as seen in the boundaries of the Perakumba Pirivena. According to existing ruins it is concluded that the rampart had been 8 feet high and 30 feet wide. The Dalada Perahara is said to have paraded along the rampart replete with elephants and flambeau-carrying dancers not to mention the king himself riding behind the richly caparisoned elephant carrying the sacred relic casket followed by thousands of devotees.

There is a road in modern Kotte city named Rampart Road , the only tribute to this mighty rampart built to ward off attacks. Along parts of the moat, encroachers have put up shacks and coconut trees flourish here and there. That is the sad fate of a very historical structure put up as late as the 15th century. Sri Jayawardenapura Kotte is the least preserved of our ancient capitals. Even our first capital of Anuradhapura going back to pre-Christian times exhibits a better state of preservation and the explanation given usually for this state of affairs is that Kotte s proximity to the capital spelt its final doom. As the population began to burst within Colombo s seams, the deep moat began to provide a refuge to the homeless and also a dumping ground of garbage while the more resourceful citizens very unpatriotically built their concrete dwellings over the remnants of the ancient buildings. The lethargy of those in power added to the tragic situation. Anyway this modern house building came as an aftermath of the pillage of the city of Kotte by the Portuguese and by King Rajasinghe 1 of Sitawaka. Rajasinghe attacked the city to drive away the Portuguese while the Portuguese themselves destroyed it before moving onto the fort of Colombo with King Dharmapala. All in all the resplendent capital of Kotte plummeted into the most chaotic melee.

The Royal Palace eulogized in the Sandeshas (message poetry of Kotte) as the most magnificent edifice, a five-storied building constructed out of luminous blue stone, in whose exotic courts kings of old received embassies, had been transformed into a heap of rubble and the Dutch are said to have carried away the bricks and other materials to build their churches in Colombo. Later the rubble and the bricks had been carried away during the British government to build the brakewater at Galle Face. Contractors assigned with the removal of these had carried away the more worthy artifacts as the moonstones to decorate their own homes. That is how a moonstone (sandakada pahana) of the Royal Palace adorns a house at Veyangoda now. The cruel fate that befell the Royal Palace, befell the Dalada Maligawa (Temple of the Tooth Relic) said to be a three-storied edifice crowned by a chaitya with a golden pinnacle.

Today a Maligawa Road (Palace Road) runs along in Kotte by an area surmised to be where the Palace was. The Royal Pond of the Palace had been intact till about the 30s according to some sources but somebody now has built a house above it too. The Portuguese had destroyed the Dalada Maligawa and built a church in the precincts and the church too has now disappeared leaving behind only the karakoppuwa or the cemetery. The Alakeswara Road leads to the ruins of the Palace where Minister Alagakkonara who built the Kotte fortress lived and within its proximity are two large Tombs (according to some, chaityas) known as the Baddegana Tombs. They had been buried inside a mini-mountain for years and years, foliage having grown above it till it is reported in a folk legend that one moonlit night a devotee in sil clothes walking by it had heard the sound of hewisi (drums) emanating from it. Later excavations had revealed the twin tombs or chaityas. And here is an unbelievable and almost repugnant piece. A part of the Chitra Kuta Mandapaya where the Kotte kings had their consecration ceremonies now lies miserably in ignoble negligence and a gaping hole in it is said to be used as a lavatory pit! When the writer last visited it, parts of vehicles from a nearby garage were dumped on it and beggars and stray dogs were surveying these and other heaps of rubbish on it for possible marketable and edible stuff!

Place names in Kotte reveal many edifices as the name Angampitiya. This had been the sports venue of the capital, where many games of skill (angam) were played. Today it is just a humdrum site of human dwellers. In the site where Vibhishana Devale stood, where many a bird messenger paid homage in their aerial flights had been put up a house, however, now it stands as the Archaeological Museum. The museum just now seems to be more in a dormant stage than in an active stage. The Ranga Hala (dancing hall) and Saraswathi Mandapaya, where the learned and the high-born gathered for discourses had been sited beyond this, but there are no visible extents of any of these.

More words need not be wasted on the misfortune that befell the mighty city of Kotte. Most of it lies buried under modern concrete, a part of it has been taken away to put up other buildings while human ablutions are performed on the very consecration stone of the kings, now become a resting place of the area s stray dogs. One can take solace only in Buddha s teachings of impermanence of all things to reconcile one s mind with this state of things. But there is nothing to prevent one becoming nostalgic over the old city described by one of Kotte s greatest poets, Sri Rahula Himi in Selalihini Sandesha in the following strain.

See, friend, proud city Jayawardene
Whose name renowned by victories achieved
Was won, which far in luxury outlives
The devas city and whose mighty host
With faith and love adores the Triple Gem
The basin there, like Diyawanna called
Aye represent the fair silk robe, that wraps
The Lady city and its heavy folds
Of waves with its long shaking girdle cloth
Of splashing foam with rows of lilies red
In wrought and golden likeness of the swan.
The city s wall with strong broad gates and bars
The jewelled breast-band represent, assumed
By the fair proud dame Lanka in her youth.
Her crest Samantha and the sea her zone.

(This is a translation of the original verse done by Paul Peiris and included in his book Ceylon: the Portuguese Era)

Source: Explore Sri Lanka

The history of the Colombo Chetties of Sri Lanka by Shirley Pulle Tissera

The Colombo Chetties form an integral part of Sri Lankan society. They are a separate ethnic group different from the Tamils, Moors, Malays, Burghers, and the majority Sinhalese community.

In the census of 1946 (Vol I Para I) the Superintendent of Census, Mr. A.G. Ranasinghe, states that the Colombo Chetties must receive mention in a racial distinction of Ceylon. The term does not include the Nattukottu Chetties who have formed themselves into a guild for carrying on business in Ceylon and are only temporary residents of the Island.

ORIGIN:

The Colombo Chetties belong to the Tana Vaisya Caste. The Vaisyas compose nobility of the land, and according to the classification made by Rev. Fr. Boschi, were divided into 3 distincts tribes or castes. The highest sub-division being the Tanya Vaisya or merchants followed by Pu Vaisya or Husbandmen and Ko Vaisya pr Herdsmen. The Tana Vaisyas are commonly called Chetties. Their earliest ancestors inhabited Northern and North Western India near Coorg and Benares. In the eleventh century they were driven to the South of India by the conquest of Muhammad of Ghazini and settled in places like Nagapatnam, Tanjore, and Tinnevelly. It is from here that they traded with Ceylon from the Malabar and Coramandel coasts.

The present day term Chetty is identified with the original term Sethi in Pali, Hetti or Situ in Sinhalese. This is how the community is recorded in history. There is an association of the term Hetti in Sri lankan nomenclature in names like Hettiaratchi, Hettigoda, Adihetty, Paranahetti, Hettige, Hettigamage, Hettipathirana, Hettihewa, and Hettimulla. A nursery rhyme used a play by children down the centuries has reference to Chetties and their connection to Royalty, "Athuru Mithuru Dambadiva thuru, Raja kapuru Hettiya, Alutha gena manamalita haal pothak garala..."

According to Professor H. Ellawala (Social History of Early Ceylon), Sethis first came to Sri Lanka just after the arrival of Vijaya and his followers. The account goes on to show that some maidens sent to Lanka by the King of Madura at the request of Prince Vijaya were Sethis (Vaisya Stock). In the same edition Profesor Ellawala goes on to state that Prince Sumitta and his seven brothers who came to Lanka to guard the sacred Bo Tree were sons of a Deva Sethi from Vedissa City in Avanthi. Therefore their sister (Queen of King Asoka and mother of Mahinda and Sangamitta) was also a Sethi.

Reference is also made in Prof. M.B. Ariyapala's Society in Medieval Ceylon, to Setthi's participation in the inauguration of kings in ancient Ceylon. (C.M.Fernando JRASCB Vol XIV No.47 Page 126). In an article in the same edition a comprehensive write up is given of Setthi's (page 104). It also refers to Setthi's during the time of Vijayabahu I (CV 59.17)

The Nikaya Sangrahaya (ed Kumaratunga), the Madavala rock inscriptions refers to a high official by the name of Jothy Sitana who set his signature to a grant of land.

In the year 1205 AD there existed a minister of great influence among our forebearers named "Kulande Hetti". His name is engraved on a rock in Polonnaruwa.

The Gadaladeniya slab inscriptions of the 16th century mentions Situ in a list of officials. The Political History of the Kingdom of Kotte (1400-1521) by Dr. G.V.P. Somaratne (page 51) states that the Alakeswara family of Kotte originated from Setthi stock.

In the book titled Culture in Ceylon in Medieval Times by W. Geiger (page 110); "A prominent part of the mercantile society in Ceylon were the Setthi's but we do not get a clear notion of their social position, probably they were like the Setthi's in the Jatakas (ref R. Fick 1.1 pages 257) the gerat bankers and stood in close proximity to the Royal Court."

Of the three brothers who rebelled against King Wijayabahu I, one was Sethinatha, a chief of the Setthi's, since the other two were court officials of the highest rank, the three were evidently Sinhalese noblemen (59.16.69.13). Sethinayake is the name of Lambakanna. It was probably his title.

The Mahavamsa Vol III records the arrival in Ceylon of seven sons of King Mallawa of Mallawa Rata accompanied by Chetties who carried suitable gifts for the King of Ceylon. In return the King bestowed titles and also grants of land engraved on slabs in villages such as Kelaniya, Toppu, Ballagala, Bottala, Hettimulla etc. marked out and granted free from duties "to remain as long as the sun and the moon endure". Among the Chetties who presented gifts to the Kings were Epologama Hetti Bandara and Modattawa Chetty. The donors were honored with titles such as Rajah Wanniah, Rajaguru Mudiyanse and Mallawa Bandara.

The late President, His Excellency J.R. Jatawardena's first paternal ancestor was a Colombo Chetty. In the mid 17th century one of his male ancestors married a Sinhalese by the name of Jayawardena from Welgama, a village near Hanvalle, and from that time took the name of Jayewardena acording to his biogrpahy written by Prof. K.M. de Silva and Howard Wriggins. The mother of his grandchildren is also a Colombo Chetty.

RELIGION:

The Chetties were a community dealing in trade and commerce and would naturally see the advantage of adopting the religion of the rulers. Being a cultured and educated community, the colonisers found an useful link between themselves and the indigenous population, although many prominent Chetty families during the eighteenth and nineteenth century were converted to Christianity.

Many Churches were built by the Chetties. The Church of St. Thimas was built in 1815 facing the Colombo Harbor by the Protestant branch of the Chetties. It is traditionally maintained that St. Thomas the Apostle preached here on his journeys to preach the Gospel on his visits to the Malabar and Coramandel coasts.

DRESS CODE:

Some of the dress of the Colombo Chetties was aptly described by John Capper in his 'Sketches of the Old Ceylon". He wrote that they appeared in peak cornered hats, short jackets, cloth and slippers or jutas. They had rings in their ears. Another picturesque description was by L.P. Leisching in his "Account of Ceylon". He described the educated class of Colombo Chetties of older times who were mostly employed in Government Services as wearing a neat dress consisting of a curiosuly folded turban of white cloth, a short bodied and full skirted white coat and white trousers with a silk handkerchief or scarf around their necks with socks and shoes. This was their regular costume. On important occasions they appeared in gold trimmed turbans and shawls and very rich material for their suits.

The Colombo Chetty ladies of that period were very conservative in their apparel and dressed gracefully without exposing their limbs. Their original dress consisted of a sort of cloak (Sarasa) worn over the head. t was very heavily starched abric of bluish black or deep reddish brown color. The "Sarasa" had an overall printed floral pattern also of a very dull color edged with a border of the same color. The blouse was of white cotton or could be lace on a special occasion. The sleeves were three-quarters length with cuffed ruffs or edged with lace. They wore a camboy or cloth of similar color as the "Sarasa" which had a decorative weave of gold or silver thread for special occasions like weddings. They wore no shoes but had ornamental rings on their toes. The neck was decked with gold ornaments. They wore a chain called "Arriyal" with a jewelled pendant called "Padakkam". The married ladies wore the "Thali" different in design to the ones worn by married Tamil ladies. Their ears were pierced both on the upper and lower parts. The "Koppu", a coin like ornament adorned the upper part and the lower lobe with earrings called "Thodu".

Monday, October 03, 2005

Ananda Sastralaya, Kotte - 115 years

Ananda Sastralaya, Kotte celebrates its 115th anniversary on January 1. Most of us are not aware how and when this noble institution commenced its activities.

Following is reminiscence of events that took place right from the beginning. This letter is compiled not only on the written history but from the stories revealed by old boys of yester year.

Since Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) was under British rule, the Buddhism and the Buddhist Culture were almost in dark atmosphere, no one was dared to challenge the Missionary education.

But during the 8th decade of the 19th century an American gentleman by the name Col. Henry Steel Olcott realised the value and vision of the Lord Buddha's Teachings after hearing the famous debates, namely "The Gampola", "The Panadura", "The Udanvita", The Baddegama" and "Colomba Urugodawatta" (the debates held in those palaces) arrived in Ceylon.

Thus reforms to the Buddhism and Buddhist culture began having realised that a strong challenge had to be faced with regard to Missionary education, he along with Hon. Anagarika Dharmapala, Most Venerable Mohottiwatte Gunananda Thera, Most Venerable Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Nayaka Thera inaugurated some Buddhist Schools.

They are Maradana Buddhist English School (later Ananda College), Dharmaraja College - Kandy, Mahinda College - Galle.

Some eminent Buddhist leaders in Kotte during that period, too, realising their responsibility towards the Buddhist activities set up a school by the name Kotte Bauddha (Buddhist) Mixed School on the November 4, 1880.

This was a very remote and primary step towards their responsibility and on the January 1, 1890, the Venerable Emulgama Wimalatissa Thera along with eminent leaders in the Dayaka Sabha of the Raja Maha Viharaya, Kotte Headed by Thepanis Perera Appuhamy and few others further enhanced the educational facilities of the school and renamed it "Kotte Bauddha (Buddhist) English Mixed School" and we consider that this is the plant of present Ananda Sastralaya as it was located in a block of land transferred by Raja Maha Viharaya.

Its first Headmaster was C. Ranasingha for the period 1890-1903. D.B. Jayatilaka (later Sir D.B. Jayatilaka) was the Head Master during 1903 to 1905. There is evidence that Col. Olcott had graced the occasion twice as the chief guest in the years 1903 and 1904 at the school's prize giving.

Then it became "Jayawardena Shasthra Shalava" in 1910, when D.J. Jayatunga was the Headmaster for the period 1905 to 1922.

This is the era that the Buddhist Theosophical Society was founded for rehabilitation of Buddhist activities and for the proper administration of Buddhist Schools took over the administration of this Jayawardena Shasthra Shalava and renamed it as Ananda Sastralaya, Kotte. They appointed S.P. Perera for the Post of Headmaster, who was the Head Master of Aananda College.

After his retirement in 1934, The B.T.S. appointed Dr. E.W. Adikaram, a distinguished scholar after his Ph.D at the Oxford University, England.

He made Ananda Sastralaya, a well organised educational institution by adding Laboratories, a main hall, a hostel, a playground. He left the school in 1934 and Bernard Wickramasingha succeeded. This was the period that the game of cricket first played in Sastralaya.

The team was coached by a professional A.G.K. Gunatilaka. During his period, the school had to be decentralised and so many branches were started in various palaces of the country, Matugama, Badulla, Maharagama, Karawanella, Battaramulla etc. consequent upon the decision to take over the school to Ceylon Army to have a army camp in the school premises as Ceylon had engaged with the Second World War because Ceylon was still under the British rule. After the War school restarted and it is there upto now.

Then we see a galaxy of distinguished personnel by the names N.W. De Costa, Mahinda Palihawadana (later Professor), Gunapala Wickramaratna, C.M. Ariyaratna, A. Pasqual, W.T.P. Tillekaratna are among the lot.

In 1961, the entire system of education was administered by the Government consequent upon the decision to implement National System of Education, thereby all the schools managed by the B.T.S. and some Christian Schools managed by the Churches were taken over by the Government under the Parliamentary Act to take over the assisted schools.

In 1963, a reorganisation took place by amalgamating some primary schools surrounded by Sastralaya who had classes from 1st to 6th standard to Sastralaya.

Once again the school was divided into two institutions in 1971, the girls section was separated and shifted to a block of land at Pagoda owned by Sastralaya, which was obtained by Dr. E.W. Adikaram way back in 1940 approximately. Actually it was a gift to Ananda Sastralaya. After 1971, Ananda Sastralaya became a boys' school.

Ananda Sastralaya posses a very valuable archaeological site belongs to the Portugese period. There is a tunnel erected in the 16th century by the Ceylonese stalwarts to pass through to Portuguese Fort situated in Colombo.

It has been revealed that there were three entrances one is at the pond belongs to Balapokuna Viharaya at Kirulapona, the other one is beyond our search.

Educational background

Ananda Sastralaya now comprises two major divisions. The Primary Section and the Post Primary Section. Grade 1 to Grade 5 classes are held in the Primary Division and Grade 6 to Grade 13 are held in the Post Primary Division.

Traditional subjects are taught as per syllabuses approved by the Ministry of Education. Apart from the academic structure, the school maintains a high degree of extra curricular activities.

Presently 2,300 students read their academics and every year quite a good number of students sit for GCE O/L and A/L examinations.

Quite a few number get through to the Universities but when compared with the early years it is not satisfactory. The science laboratories are constructed in Adikaram era, but a libratory for zoology commenced in 1962.

Presently four laboratories namely, physics, chemistry, biology and zoology are maintained. The school posses an excellent library with 50% new collections. The library is equipped with some of modern amenities but yet it has to be improved further more by adding electronic devices to match some modern libraries.

Consequent upon the decision taken by the Ministry of Education to equip all the schools with Information Technology, there is a separate section for IT with about 6 Computers. It is also suggested to make Ananda Sastralaya a Computer Centre in near future.

Apart from these, a multi purpose building was declared opened last year for the following subjects: Oriental Dancing, Classical Music, Classical Art, Electronics, Indoor Sports, Agriculture and Life Skills.

Ananda Sastralaya studded with so many extra curricular activities which a description given below:

Cadet Troop - The Cadet Troop was inaugurated way back in 1962, then it was a junior platoon. Years pass by they were given senior status. At the annual Camps held at Rantembe they were competent enough to win several awards.

Eastern Band Troup - This band troup was also inaugurated somewhere in 1980 and Ananda Sastralaya Band was given the honour to parade right in the front at the ceremonial opening of the new Parliament at Battaramulla and also on the Independence Day in the year 1983.

They won the prestigious Gunasekara Memorial Trophy for the Eastern Bands at the Camp held in 1991 at Randenigala.

The Scout Troop - They had a highly talented scout troop which was founded in 1957, in 1958 they won the award that had been presented to the best troop at the annual jamboree held at Vihara Maha Devi Park.

Ananda Sastraliyans could be proud of their Oratorical skills and the debating team which had won several shields in past years whoever the opponents are.

There is a squad selected from the students of middle school for protection of the environment. In addition they equipped with a media unit where a fine set of broadcasters excel. There are societies for Science, Commerce, Astronomy, and Photography. The college prize giving is held annually and almost 200 students get their merit.

The staff

The academic Staff consists of 96 personnel, and about 10 persons in the non academic staff. For the first time in the history a Buddhist Priest by the name The Venerable Abesekeragama Gunaratana Thera has been appointed to Ananda Sastralaya in 2002 for the post of Principal.

There are two deputy principals namely K.G. Jayawardana and Wimala Kumari Ranasingha. The Primary is headed by Gamini Nanayakkara and several assistant principals are looking after separate sections such as middle schools, O/L section and A/L section.

The period prior to take over of schools our major sport was Volley ball, when all the major schools in Colombo focused on cricket.

Majority of all Ceylon players were selected from Gampaha and Kotte, where our old boys excelled. In 1953 the Ceylon team was captained by an old Sastraliyan be the name H.P. Siriwardena who was the senior Hansard Editor of the Senate. (The Upper House of the Legislation) and Suriyapperuma, Gunasekara Banda were among the others.

But with the introduction of Cricket, Volley ball gradually diminished. There are several records by our cricketers but unable to state here due to lack of space.

Over the years Sastralaya players excelled in inter-school cricket arena by winning almost every tournament they participated.

They were the worthy winners of first ever Sharona Trophy in 1991, young Sastraliyans emerged champions in Astra Margarine Trophy for under 13. Although we started cricket in 1959 it was in 1991 that we could play a Battle (Big Match) coincided with centenary celebrations.

At the First ever big match Sastraliyan Mohan de Silva claimed all 10 wickets in an inning which is an all time record, the first school boy player, and only one to achieve it so far, to bag all 10 wickets in an inning in a big match.

Out of the 14 fixtures played, victory was achieved only after 11 years in 2001 and 2002 by Ananda Sastralaya and also Sastralaya produced a test cricketer is Ruchira Perera.

The playground is situated at Beddegana, along Talawatugoda Road, which the credit should go to Dr. Adikaram, who initiated to obtain it from N.E. Weerasuriya Q.C. in his era. But he couldn't gain the results thus, the present generation is the luckiest group as they enjoy the facility of a playground of their own.

There were students who excelled in the field of athletics as well. W.K. Vimukthi Nanayakkara won the first place in 400 meters under 15 at the National School Meet in 2002, first in 400 meters at Sir John Tarbet Shield, junior championships held in 2002, and first in 400 meters under 15 at Western Province Athletic Meet. Chulanga Chetiya Edirisingha won the first place in 100 meters at Sir John Tarbet Shield Championships by finishing 11.1 seconds thereby won the Athletic Colours.

Early 1950 there was a drama society which staged many a play, to name some of them were Rattaran, Elowa Gihin Melowa Awa, Sanda Kinduru, Surapanaya Adinawa, Kedunu Karattaya.

The well-known Dramatist the late Gunasena Galappatti a member of academic staff started his drama career at Ananda Sastralaya by producing and staging Sanda Kinduru, later he produced Muhudu Putthu and became one of the bests in the island.

During the period 1960-70 the Drama Society was supervised and the patrons were Trilicia Abeykoon (Gunawardena) the Queen Maname of Professor Sarachchandra's Maname and Mrs. Welikala.

(www.dailynews.l/ 2005/01/01)


Painting in the Church of Colva.One of the Jesuits killed was parish priest of Colva.Courtesy:Teotónio R. de Souza

WHY CUNCOLIM MARTYRS? by Teotónio R. de Souza

An historical re-assessment

There is much being said and written nowadays and efforts are underway for re-writing the history of the Church from the perspective of the Third World. It is argued that much that we have by way of Church history is written by the missionaries and from the missionary perspective. Such a perspective was never fully delinked from the colonial perspec­tive, and western cultural superiority remains an essential ingredient of it. (1) Their background and implied cultural-political values from the West determined what was good for a "good Christian" in the colonized regions where they came to work. Their accounts reflect their values. Cultural conflicts that the native society had to experience as a result of the political-religious combination of the colonial times did not seem to them as anything else than the "Devil at work". It would not be a bad exercise in research to count the frequency of this expression in the Jesuit missionary reports. Other missionaries had such expression as well. "The Devil at Work in the Jesuit Edifying Letters" could make a best­seller!
Our historical re-assessment today demands that we do not continue accepting the missionary accounts at their face value. We need to seek deeper explanations for the reactions of the native people to their encounters with the Gospel and Gospel-bearers. Such a re-assessment throws up serious issues of socio-economic-cultural nature and we need to understand these better for appreciating the Good News and the Bad News that conversion to Christianity meant to our people. Granted that the missionaries acted in "good faith", they may not deserve today our unqualified and unquestioned admiration, and much less, veneration. The criteria to beatify or canonize persons have been worked out and are generally applied by the West-dominated Church without sufficient sensitivity to the cultural feelings of the rest of the World. I believe that we need to decolonize the liturgical calendar, just as much as the missionary histories that helped the processes of "beatification". It is very fine to talk of the "catholic and universal" Church, but that has in practice made European peculiarities universal. We need to still wait to see when the faithful in Europe would fervently pray to a black saint of Africa or to a brown saint of Asia! In the meantime we have been celebrating novenas and feasts of saints who have little cultural significance to us. The liturgical calendar has thus been a subtle instrument of continued cultural alienation of our peoples. Interestingly, these feelings were voiced by the Polish Apostolic Delegate to India, Ladislas-Michel Zaleski, in his lntroduction to his book The Saints of India in 1915. To quote him: "Why should The secular priests (of India) recite the office of Saints of foreign countries, who have for them no especial interest, and neglect and ignore the particular Saints of India, their Patrons and Protectors?"(2) Zaleski follows his argument in the Chapter dealing with Bl. Rudolf Acquaviva and his companions. He refers to the four native Goans who were also killed along with the Jesuits, and comments: "It should be examined if these four Indian Martyrs who certainly died for the Faith, could not be included in the beatification. The two last named (young boys Dominic and Alphonso) singularly about whose life and death we have more details, would be wonderful patrons for Indian youths and boys." (3)
It is in this context that I thought of analysing the background and implications of The "martyrdom" of the Jesuits and their native collaborators in Cuncolim in 1583. My analysis suggests that both The Por­tuguese rulers and the native dominant class of Cuncolim were using religion for their own vested interests. Religious beliefs were not the main issue, but the economic and political implications of conversion were seen as a threat. The religious feelings of the ordinary people were excited to obfuscate these main implications and to kill the missionaries. There is no reason To believe that the native exploiting class of Cuncolim were doing Devil's and the Portuguese colonial exploiters supporting the missionaries were doing God's work.
INTRA-SOCIAL CONFLICTS
Only a dispassionate analysis could help us to understand better the inner contradictions of our society. Now that we are sufficiently distant from the passions aroused by the freedom-struggle and are experiencing new forms of external domination, we may be better disposed to look into the caste and class contradictions of the Goan society. Whether we wish to admit these or not, they will always be an important ground that will make any external domination more or less successful. A good historical background and a conscious and deft handling of intra-societal conflicts can alone pave the way for a sound development of post-liberation Goa. Such a sound development will have to take necessarily into consideration the disabilities experienced by different groups at dif­ferent times of our history due to internal and external factors. In this connection I wish to recall the inaugural address to the recently held fifth lnternational Seminar on lndo-Portuguese History at Cochin. Addressing the participants, Prof. M. G. S. Narayanan of Calicut University drew their attention to the long-term impact of the Portuguese on Malabar society as he saw it: "A challenge was thrown to the Hindu society, the like of which had never occurred before. The possibility of converting a socially depressed class was effectively demonstrated, and thereby the basic injustice built into the Hindu caste structure was exposed. This challenge has acted as a catalytic agent in lndian society for promoting reform during the last five centuries. It has made The Hindu orthodoxy painfully aware of the revolutionary potential of low castes, outcastes and tribals. (4)
If the Portuguese "plunderers-preachers combination" (to borrow the expression from M.G.S. Narayanan) (5) found collaboration from the politically oppressed chieftains and socially oppressed low castes in Kerala, the situation was not entirely different elsewhere in India and at different times of its history. It was so in Goa at the time of its conquest by Afonso de Albuquerque. The Hindu population seems to have been unhappy with the Muslim overlords, and the representatives of the dominant Hindu class thought that they could use the Portuguese to regain its earlier dominance. However, besides other factors of Portuguese policy there were the underlying intra-societal conflicts that contributed towards sabotaging the aspirations of the dominant Hindu section. We are informed that Timmaya, who suggested the conquest of Goa to Albuquerque was hoping to be a kind of jagirdar, following the conquest of Goa. Bur we also know that he was motivated by his being dispossessed by his own brother. (6) It is this line of exploitation of brother by brother that I wish to follow up in the course of this paper, and it is this angle that requires more of our attention in future research. There are also references in the early Jesuit documentation to persons in Goa wanting to be converted in order to escape the disabilities they experienced in their traditional social structure.(7) In a memorandum submitted by Miguel Vaz, a prominent churchman in Goa to King John III of Portugal in 1545 we read: "Let us do this people favour, honour and justice, and let us not give them into the hands of Krishna and Gopu, Brahmins, about whom they were continually complaining. And knowing these two for the great tyrants they are, I for my part hold that people had good reason to complain." (8) This again suggests the same line of analysis, rather than succumbing to The usual aggressive-defensive communal approach.
DISINTEGRATION OF VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
I consider this process of disintegration of traditional village communities as important for the understanding of the intra-societal conflicts and their implications. Many tend to believe that village communities of Goa were models of organization for harmonious village life and development.
It is important to grasp the diversification of the village economy, or rather its evolution from the patriarchal agricultural economy in which the handicrafts were only a sideline activity that complemented the agricultural needs of The peasant households. As a result of growing monetisation that was made necessary by sovereigns based at distance and collecting revenue in cash (and this seems to have been the case since quite early times in the Konkan which never had its own politically autonomous units) there was increasingly greater "feudalisation" and growing inequality in property relations in the countryside. (9)
This process contributed to reducing the hulk of the village inhabitants to tenants and introducing greater degree of commodity relations. It was a process that forced many peasant households to pay greater attention (if not exclusive attention) to non-agricultural occupations, and also to look beyond the village for buyers. However, this did not give rise as yet to professional artisans producing only for the market. There was a transitional phase when the artisans were still bound to supply for the needs of the dominant village elite and receive full or part remuneration in kind. This is the picture of development of village economy that emerges from the evidence that I was able to produce for Goa's state of economy in the l6th-l7th centuries. (10) It may be interesting to note the need of the Azosy village for instance to make a two-year contract with the village cobbler Braz Fernandes. His remuneration is partly given in the form of namasy land-grant, but he is also to be paid ten xerafins in cash in quarterly instalments. What is even more interesting is that the ganvkars who get pairs of double-strapped sandals pay him one and half barganya, and those who order single-strapped pair pay one bargany. (11) This fact seems to indicate a stage of disintegration of the traditional village communities of Goa and their diminishing self-sufficiency. Of course, the degree of this disintegration was not the same all over Goa. Azosy and the villages nearer to the capital city of Goa were more subject to this process due to their easier access to the city market. This must have been true already during the pre-Portuguese times when Goa was already known to the Arabs as an important industrial and commercial centre. It was all the more so under the Portuguese who made Goa commercially important on a wider scale. (12)
If this impact of the city of Goa upon the village economy was not greater, it could be explained as due to three factors: Firstly, the Portuguese did not believe totally in free labour, and they required certain amount of compulsory work from the natives (veth begari). The Portuguese punishments were also of this kind, thereby providing forced labour in the gunpowder manufactory and for the galleys. Secondly, large­scale domestic slavery in Goa helped to restrict the opportunities for the natives from the countryside to derive full benefits from the city needs. Thirdly, large-scale Christianisation and the control exercised by the Religious Orders in the village economies was an important factor. We know of skilled labour that had to be lent free of any remuneration to build the new places of worship in the villages. (13)
However, what seems to have favoured greater penetration of the countryside was the all-pervading system of revenue farming and monopolies. This promoted concentration of capital in the hands of some native merchants and also village officials like sinay, kulkarni and potekar (tax collector). These had control over labour they recruited from the villages in connection with their functioning and their involvement in the city market or village land transactions and several forms of extortions connected with revenue payment. The peculiar anti-Hindu legislation that prevailed in Goa and did not permit the majority of The Hindu "capitalists" to invest in lands saved the villages from facing greater inequality of property relations. (14) However, already in the l7th century the village communities of Goa display a marked stage of disintegration of the traditional village set-up of the artisans as village servants. This is evident in the fines that were imposed upon the defaulting artisans. The fact that these were monetary fines is quite revealing. (15) Several foreign travellers who visited Goa since late 16th century and after have left lengthy records of their visits. The city market they describe could provide every conceivable ware and the native Hindu and Christian artisans were very active in it. (16)
THE CASE OF CUNCOLIM
I have discussed the process of the disintegration of village economy as having been more marked in the areas subject to market influences of the city. However, Cuncolim was experiencing a similar process at work though it was far from the city of Goa, and not to close to the provincial town of Margão. We need to examine the other factors at work in the interior. If Cuncolim led the revolt against the Portuguese in association with its neighbouring villages, this fact needs perhaps to be understood against the background of its own economic development and interests that were affected by the new tax impositions and administrative-religious controls of the Portuguese. The Portuguese chronicler Diogo do Couto describes Cuculi (sic) as "The leader of rebellions" and its people as "The worst of all villages of Salcete". (17) The prosperity of this village seems to have been derived from its fertile land that had abundant and fresh waters from rivers descending from the New Conquests and crossing it before they became brackish in the neighbouring villages nearing the coast. (18) Surplus agricultural production had enabled this village to develop crafts of a very skilled order. Cuncolim is still known for its skilled metal works. But already in the letters of Afonso de Albuquerque one reads that guns of good quality were manufactured in Cuncolim, and he finds them comparable to those made in Germany. (19) A century later the viceroy D. Jeronimo d'Azevedo was banning the manufacture of guns in Cuncolim under penalty of four years in the galleys and even gallows! (20) This kind of developed crafts can give us some idea of the economic interests that had developed in Cuncolim when the Jesuits arrived. The village also had other important economic resources. One of these was its permanent bazar at the end of more than one caravan routes connecting it with the mainland through the Ghats of the Ashthagrahar province. One of these cut through the Donkorpem Ghat and another through the Kundal Ghat, leading to Netarli and Naiquini respectively. Besides these two Ghat passages there was another coming from Dighi Ghat to Veroda via Talvarda. It was frequented by caravans bringing cloth and other provisions. (21)
Cuncolim bazar needs to be considered as an important factor in its socio-econornic development. In keeping with the traditional fairs connected with temple and religious festivities, also the bazar economy of Cuncolirn depended upon its temple and religious celebrations. One should analyse against this background the reaction of the dominant class of Cuncolim to the destruction of its temples and to the attempts of the Jesuits who sought to establish Christianity in Cuncolim and its satellite villages of Assolna, Velim and Ambelim in 1583. I do not wish to repeat here the details that are sufficiently well known about the wanton destruction of these villages by the Portuguese soldiery preceding and following the murder of some Jesuit Fathers and some others associated with their conversion drive in these villages. (22) They see the "Devil at work". What I wish to stress, in keeping with the line of argument I have proposed, is a thorough analysis of the socio-economic compulsions behind the political and religious events that have been discussed ad nauseam in writings concerning Cuncolim. It is important to see their hostility to Christianity in terms of threat to their established economic and social privileges connected with the temples and bazar. It is not so easy, however, to assign priority to material considerations in the actual practice of religion and the religious feelings connected with it. It is a case comparable to the Portuguese classic claim of seeking souls and spices in India! The people directly connected with the religious worship or responsïble for its promotion generally speak more in terms of purely spiritual motivations. However, their activities are sustained by the material wherewithal provided by those engaged in economic activities. So also the reactions of the natives of Cuncolim after the destruction of their temple were possibly a mixture of open expressions of spiritual revulsion and less expressed anger over the damage to socio-economic prospects of the dominant groups of the village population. The demolition of the temples implied deprivation of religious and cultural traditions that sustained an established social structure and its underlying economic base.
We know it from contemporary Jesuit records that the Hindus of Salcete tried to rebuild the temples and were ready to spend much money to do so. (23) This was confirmed in the case of Cuncolim by a stone inscription found in 1971 at the site of the bazar. This inscription of 12 lines in Marathi and deciphered as belonging to the year 1579 suggests that a temple of Mahadev was rebuilt by one Vithaldas Vithoji of Kshatriya descent. The inscription says that any Musulman destroying it will incur the sin of the violation of a holy place, and being a Maratha will incur the sin of killing a Brahmin. By reconstructing it a Musulman will have the merit of going on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and a Maratha doing the same will have the merit of a pilgrimage to Kashi. The inclusion of shapavakya and benediction for the Musulmans is interpreted as an expression of good treatment that the Hindus usually received from Muslims of Bijapur. (24) Obviously there was no question of curse or benediction for the Christians. Following the murder of the Jesuits in 1583 nothing was left of the reconstructed temple and the village elders (including two directly involved in the massacre of the Jesuits and their companions) who fell victims to the ruse of the Rachol captain Gomes Eannes de Figueiredo were murdered despite a safe-conduct assured to them. (25) It is important to note in the account of Diogo do Couto the reference to Aganaique and Ramagaro, who were among the village elders killed by the Portuguese captain and his soldiers treacherously, as "the most feared by all in the village". This could be a pointer to the role played by them in the traditional exploitative structure of the village. (26)
POST-CONVERSION INTRA-SOCIETAL CONFLICTS
The "martyrdom" and conversion of Cuncolim did not end the exploitation by the vested interests. New ones replaced the older ones and the conversion does not seem to have made a great difference. The later history of Cuncolim-Veroda as Condado of The Marquis of Fronteira since its donation in perpetuity to João da Silva and his descendents in 1585 could be the theme for a long study and it will require access to the records of the House of Fronteira and to many case files in the court (julgado) of Quepem of the comarca of Salcete. There are also records among the Mhamai House Papers at The Xavier Centre of Historical Research pertaining to the administration of the revenues by Narayan Camotim Mhamay as Rendeiro of the Condado from 1809 to 1818 or so. Apparently, the administration of the Condado was more benevolent than that of the Jesuits in the neighbouring Assolna-Velim-Ambelim. But only a more detailed study could establish the truth of the appearences, because even for the short period of the administration of revenues by Narayan Mhamai Kamat one comes across umpteen cases of confiscation of lands and other personal possessions of several village inhabitants who are sued in the court of law as bad debtors to the revenue farmer. (27) I have come across instances of popular representations against the administration of the Condado, and there are cases of Rendeiros complaining against the abuse of authority and funds by the procurators of the House of Fronteira in Goa. Such complaints seem to be motivated by the rivalry among the candidates for the revenue-farming of the Condado. (28)
The population statistics maintained in the parish records give the Christian population of Cuncolim for every year between 1775 and 1942 as ranging between 4432 and 7236. Only from 1934 onwards figures are available also for the non-Catholic inhabitants of the village. The proportion of Hindus seems to be steady at little less than half of the Christian population. The number of Muslims is never more than 500. (29) Even though the former ganvkars of 12 vangad lost their old administrative rights after 1583, they continued to maintain their superior identity through the Church confraternities marked by caste exclusivism which resulted in unhappy incidents as recently as in 1983, ironically marking the fourth centenary of the "martyrdom" with a short-lived "Independent Church of Cuncolim"! (30)
CONCLUDING REMARKS
What has been possible to present in this paper is only a frame­work for understanding better what exactly the devil was doing in one single instance of the missionary history of Goa. The re-writing of the history of the Church in India, and in the Third World in general, can become relevant only if the local situation at the time is studied and analysed more carefully and with greater empathy. Every reference to "devil at work" in the missionary reports could thus become a suggestion for re-assessment and a starting point to write a new chapter in the history of the people and their religious-cultural development.

REFERENCES

Lukas Vischer (ed.), Towards a History of lhe Church in the Third World, Bem, 1985.
Ladislas-Michel Zaleski, The Saints of India, Mangalore, 1915, pp. 7-9.
Ibid., p. 341.
M. G. S. Narayanan, "India’s Encounter with the West: The Portuguese Colonial Missionary Experience in Long-Term Perspective" (Mimeographed Text, 19 pp.)
Ibid.
Carmo Azevedo, "Timmaya: A Quisling?", Essays in Goan History, ed. Teotonio R. de Souza, New Delhi, Conccpt Publishing Co., pp. 23-28.
Anthony D’Costa, The Christianisation of the Goa Islands, Bombay, India Printing Works, 1965, pp. 40, 47, 99, 117.
Documenta Indica, I, ed. J. Wicki, Rome, 1948, pp. 68,70.
A. I. Chicherov, India: Economic Development in the l6th-18th centuries - Outline History of Crafts and Trade, Moscow, 1974, p. 135.
Teotonio R. de Souza, Medieval Goa, New Delhi, Conccpt Publishing Co., 1979.
Ibid., p. 85.
Chicherov, op. cit., p. 135.
Teotonio R. de Souza, op. cit., pp. 93, 117, 124-126.
Teotonio R. de Souza, "Mhamai House Records: Indigenous Sources for Indo-Portuguese Historiography", The Indian Archives, XXXI, n.1 (1982), pp. 25-45.
Teotonio R. de Souza, Medieval Goa, p.86
Ibid., pp. 117-119, 121.
Diogo do Couto, Decada X, P. I, L. III, Cap. XVI (Lisboa, 1788), pp. 383-85.
XCHR Manuscripts -- J. N. da Fonseca Papers: Contains replies sent by various villages and other State bodies to a quesitonnaire circulated by Dr. J. N. da Fonseca in 1875 with the help of J. H. da Cunha Rivara. These replies were partly used by Dr.Fonseca in preparation of his classic An Historical and Archaelogícal Sketch of theCity of Goa, Bombay, 1878.
Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque, ed. Bulhão Pato, Lisboa, 1884, Vol.I, p. 203.
Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, ed. Cunha Rivara, Nova Goa, 1875, Fase. 6, doc. 259.
Ajuda Lihrary (Lisbon), Ms. 54-X-20. It provides very interesting information about the Ghat passes leading into the Konkan territories of Bhosles and Sunda. Gives location and lengths of the various routes, and also brief information about their military or trade importance.
Documenta Indica, XII, ed. J. Wicki, Rome, 1972, pp. 916-933: Valignano’s contemporary account of the martyrdom, dated Goa 8 December 1853.
Ibid., p. 920.
V. T. Gune, "Meaning of ‘Maratha Houni", Maratha History Seminar Papers, ed. A. G. Pawar, Kolhapur, 1971, pp. 1-6.
Diogo do Couto, op.cit., pp. 509-514.
Loc. cit.
XCHR: Mhamay House Papers.
Ibid.. Also a set of manuscripts I purchased from an alfarrabista in Lisbon and belonging to 1848. A report on Cuncolim dated July 1921 discusses the implications of a strike by the people of Cuncolim to cultivate the lands of the Condado in 1911. There was much resentment against the administration of Condado by João Joaquim Roque Correia Afonso, who is accused by some residents of Cuncolim of cxploiting his job for personal gains. The report also points a finger to one João Rebelo who used his association with the Portuguese consulate in Bombay to enrich himself considerably and has now showing iriterest in exciting natives of Cuncolim against the Condado.
Archive of the Archbishop-Patriarch (Panjirn): Ms. Rois de Goa and Rois de Salcete.
Leopoldo Rocha, As Confrarias de Goa: Conspecto Histórico-Jurídico, Lisboa, 1973, pp. 301-302; Thomas Aquinas, Cuncolim is a Historic Village, Cuncolim, 1983.

THE ASCENDENCY OF SITAWAKA AND OF PORTUGAL (1550-1635)

The young Dharmapala (1550-1597) now was set on the throne of Kotte by his father Vidiye Bandara News of his grandfather's death and the rapid defection of his people reached Goa, and the Viceroy hastened to Colombo, more with a view to extortion than to assisting the new ruler. The unfortunate king and his courtiers were robbed of their valuables, and the palace and city systematically plundered. This scandalous action, the more abominable as the victim was under the protection of Portugal, met with strong disapproval at home; restitution was ordered, but with the law's delays little of the stolen property never was recovered by the owners. The Viceroy next set out with Dharmapala for Sitawaka, where he sacked the temple, Berendikovil, the remains of which still exist, but refused to press matters to a conclusion with Mayadunne, when he had the opportunity. The subsequent destruction of Kotte and the loss of the kingdom in a large degree is due to this man. He then sailed from Colombo, leaving secret instructions for the kidnapping of the king's father. This was carried out in 1552, but Vidiye Bandara succeeded in escaping from his prison, and henceforth was the bitter enemy of the Portuguese. At first he allied himself with Mayadunne, whose daughter he married, but soon was the object of attack at his fortress of Pelenda in Kalutara District both by Rajasinha, son of Mayadunne, and by the Portuguese Rajasinha is said by the Sinhala chronicle only to have been eleven years old at the time. His military fame speedily grew, and lie was soon to become the terror of the Portuguese. Vidiye Bandara, after taking ref age in the hill-country, fled to Mundakondapola in Kurunegala District, where he repaid his host by taking his life and usurping his principality. Elected thence by Rajasinha and the Portuguese he fled to Jafnna, where he was murdered in a quarrel, and his treasures fell into the hands of the king of that place. Among these was a relic which the Portuguese were told was Buddha's tooth.
About 1557 Dharmapala received baptism, taking the name of John, with the result that many of his subjects abandoned him. After besieging Kotte Rajasiinha continued the war, and in 1561 defeated the Portuguese in the hard contested battle of Mulleriyawa. Colombo as well as Kotte were invested in 1563, and, though they were relieved; the capital again was besieged in 1564 with such strictness that the garrison was in a precarious condition by the beginning of the following year. The siege was raised once more, but Rajasinha in reality had the advantage, as the Portuguese abandoned Kotte and retired on Colombo, taking Dharmapala with them. Hostilities continued and in 1579-80 Colombo was besieged for one and a half years.. About 1580 Rajasinha turned his attention to Kandy and succeeded in annexing that kingdom, expelling the royal family. The deposed king fled to Trincomalee, but shortly afterwards died of smallpox, designating his nephew, later baptized as Dom Philip, as his successor durirtg the minority of his infant daughter Dona Catharina. Virasundara, a scion of the Peradernya branch of the royal house, had betrayed his own sovereign and joined Rajasinha.But he soon conspired against his new master, who did him to death by treachery; his son Konappu fled to Colombo. In 1581 Mayadunne died, poisoned it was alleged by his son, and Rajasinha thus became master of all Lanka with: the exception of Colombo and the north
The kingdom of Jaffna had not then disturbed by the Portuguese until Christian converts in the Isle and of Mannar were massacred by the king in 1544. Vengeance was not exacted until 1560, when the; Viceroy Dom Constantino De Braganza invaded the peninsula and drove the king into the jungles of the mainland. Tendering his submission, the king took advantage of his return to organize a rising and the Portuguese were compelled to retire. They did not regain their hold on Jaffna until 1591, though Mannar remained in theft hands. It was in the expedition of 1560 that the Portuguese obtained possession of the treasure of Vidiye Bandara and with it of the supposed Tooth Relic. A large sum was offered for its ransom by the king of Pegu, bitt was refused, and the Relic was burnt by the Viceroy at Goa.
Rajasinha I. (A.D. 1581-1593), though a stout warrior, has a somewhat sinister reputation, due among the Portuguese to his persistent hostility and among the Buddhists to his rejection of their faith and his adoption of Hinduism; Having destroyed Kotte, he aimed at the capture of Colombo and the total expulsion; of the Portuguese. The fortress was besieged from 1587 to 1588, early in which year it was relieved. It was at this juncture that the Portuguese ravaged the coast and destroyed the famous Vishnu temple at Dondra. In 1590 Rajasinha again was threatening Colombo. Virasundara's son, Konappu Bandara, known to the Portuguese as Dom John of Austria, had greatly distinguished himself in the late siege; he had no love for Rajasinha, who had murdered his father, and now offered his, services to create a diversion in the Kandyan kingdom. Accordingly he went thither, taking with him the claimant of the throne of the hill-country and his son as well as a Portuguese force. Dom Philip was duly placed upon the throne, and a fort at Gannoruwa built for his protection against Rajasinha. But the new king died suddenly, not without suspicion of treachery; and Konappu, turning upon the Portuguese at Gannoruwa, defeated them and proclaimed himself king wider the name of Vimala Dharma Surya I. {A.D. 1590-1604). In 1592 Rajasinha attacked his new rival, but was defeated; in retiring a bamboo splinter pierced his foot and he died of blood poisoning early in 1593. As he was only eleven years old in 1555 he was under fifty at the time of his death, and the story that he was a centenarian is a myth. With Rajasinha's demise his kingdom collapsed. His favourite general Manamperi deserted to Dharmapala, and with his help the Portuguese soon annexed the Sitawaka dominions and captured the royal princes; among them was Nikapitiye Bandara, who was removed to Portugal and died at Coimbra in 1608.
In 1591 the king of Jafnna was unwise enough to attack Mannar, and in consequence lost his life and throne at the hands of the Portuguese under Andre Furtado. His successor, whose rescue from death by Simao Pinhao is depicted on the mural tablet at the Saman Dewale near Ratnapura, was the creature of Portugal, and from 1593 there were only two powers in the island, the Kandyans under Vimala Dharma Surya and the Portuguese notninally fighting for Dharmapala;. the latter, as we have seen, had taken Sitawaka and recovered most of the old dominions of Kotte with such ease that in.. 1594 they proposed to annex the highland kingdom and place on the throne Dona Catharina, the daughter, of the king expelled by Rajasinha. Pedro Lopes De Sousa, the first `Captain General of the Conquest,' succeeded in entering Kandy, and enthroned the princess. But he alienated the people by surrounding the young queen with Portuguese. Further, Manamperi was suspected of treason and slain; his levies thereupon deserted, and the expedition ended in disaster in the neighbourhood of Gannoruwa. The general was killed and Dona Catharina fell into the hands of Vimala Dharma Surya, who perfected his title by marrying the heiress of Kandy. The `Apostate of Candea' treated the captive Portuguese with great cruelty, mutilating fifty of them and sending these to Colombo `with one eye for each five.'
The Portuguese concentrated at Colombo, awaiting a general rising of the Sinhala. This, however, did not take place, Sitawaka alone revolting, and Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo, who was entrusted as Captain General with orders to retrieve the reputation of Portugal, and arrived in December of this year 1594, lost no time in setting out in company with the. infirm Dharmapala against the rebels. They were crushed, and stockades erected at Menilekadawara and Ruwanwella, as well as at Galle on the site of the later fortress. In 1595, however, a serious rebellion was raised by Domingos Correa, a Sinhala subject of Dharmapala aided by Vimala Dharma Surya, and the old king was compelled, to leave Sitawaka and to fight his way back to Colombo in company with the Portuguese army. For the moment Colombo and Galle alone were left to Dharmapala. But the tables were turned by the arrival of reinforcements, and Correa was defeated, captured and executed in the middle of 1596 The revolt, however, was continued in a less serious form by Simao Correa, the so-called `King of Sitawaka.'
On May 27, 1597, Dharmapala died. His health had been seriously impaired by poison administered by Mayadunne; he was childless, and by his Donation, dated August 12, 1580, had bequeathed his dominions and the overlordship of Lanka to the king of Portugal. Accordingly Philip I. of Portugal and II. of Spain was proclaimed by Dom Jeronimo De Azevedo. The oath of allegiance to the new monarch was taken at Colombo, and thereafter delegates from various divisions of the kingdom were summoned to Malwana to decide whether they would be governed by the laws of Portugal or by those of Lanka the latter were adopted, and the General agreed to maintain them, insisting however on liberty for Christianity. The theory sometimes put forward that the Sinhala accepted the king of Portugal on condition that their custonis were observed is incorrect.
By January 1599 the fortification of Menikkadawara was complete, and this post now became the chief military centre of the Portuguese, and the seat of the Captain Major of the army. The war with Kandy continued with varying fortunes, the difficulties of the Portuguese being increased by rebellions fomented in different parts of the country by Vimala Dharma Surya. Once the king offered peace, but the Portuguese who well knew the `Apostate of Candea,' did not trust him, and hostilities continued waged by either party with incredible ferocity. Tim Portuguese ultimately succeeded in reducing the low country. In 1602 the king attempted to win over Simao Pinhao, the Portuguese commander-in-chief of the lascorins or native levies. On the instructions of De Azevedo, Pinhao pretended to enter into the plot with the object of securing Balane, the stronghold on the Kadugannawa range commanding the old road to Kandy; but his intentions were revealed to the king by a renegade, and, though Balane was stormed in February 1603 the Portuguese found themselves deserted by their native troops and were forced to evacuate the place. The Great Retreat' was conducted by the General, with skill, but the position of the Portuguese in a country in full revolt for a time was precarious: it had improved somewhat by the death of the king in 1604.
In 1602 the Dutchman Joris Spilbergen arrived at Batticaloa and entered into negotiations with Vimala Dharma Surya. He was the forerunner of the Admiral Sebald De Weert, who later in the year also put in at the same port and visited the king. The mission, however, came to nothing, as Vimala Dharma Surya who was pressed to go on board the flagship, was suspicious of De Weert's intentions, and the Admiral, being drunk, insulted the king and was killed, all the Dutchmen on whom he could lay his hands also being massacred. This took: place in June 1603. Such was the inauspicious beginning of the alliance between the Kandyans and the Dutch.
Vimala Dharma Surya showed his zeal for the Buddhist religion, which he had again professed on seizing the Kandyan kingdom, by building a two-storied temple for the Tooth Relic. This he had brought from Delgamuwa, close to Kuruwita in Sabaragamuwa, where it is said to have been kept concealed after its removal from Kotte: its detention there requires further investigation. The king also sent an embassy to Aracan for the purpose of renewing the priestly succession, which once more had failed, and in A.B. 2146 (A.D. 1603/4) held a great Ordination festival at Getambe near Kandy.
Vimala Dharma Surya died in 1604, leaving his kingdom to his first cousin Senarat (1604-1635), a priest, who threw off his robes and married, his predecessor's widow, Dona Catharina. His accession is dated by Sinhala authorities in A.B. 2147 (A.D. 1604) and in A.B. 2152 (A.D. 1609/10), the succession having been disputed by Mayadunne of Uva. The Portuguese naturally took advantage of the civil war to improve their position, and in 1611 advanced to Balane and burnt Kandy. This campaign was followed by a truce.
On `March 8, 1612, the Dutchman Marcellus De Bosehouwer arrived at the Sinhala capital, and on May 11 entered into an agreement with the king, undertaking to secure help from the Netherlands East India Company': his stay in Lanka however, was prolonged for three years.
In December 1612 Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo became Viceroy. In eighteen years he had reduced all the districts below Balano: his most famous exploit was the `Great Retreat.' His character is stained by the atrocious cruelty with which he carried On the' war with' Kandy and suppressed the revolts, `in Portuguese territory. De Queyroz definitely states `that' no accusation of the kind was made against him during his administration elsewhere, and that he resorted to these excesses in retaliation for those perpetrated by Vimala Dharma Surya, to oust whom was his dream. Stern measures doubtless were necessary in dealing with the situation, but nothing can excuse Be Azevedo's actions. His methods did not meet with the approval of the authorities in Portugal, and his imprisonment in Lisbon, though on another account, was thought' by some to be a retribution for his brutalities in Lanka,
His successor was Dom Francisco de Meneses. The king, holding that he was no longer bound by the truce now that De Azevedo had departed, broke the peace. The Captain General retaliated by invading the Kandyan territory, but on retiring was attacked at Balane whence on being re]ieved he went to his. headquarters at Malwana. His place was taken in May 1614 by Manuel Mascarenhas Homem, who arrived with minute instructions from the Viceroy for the reform of the army and of the native levies, and for the putting down of eppressiop and rapine by the soldiers and others. The War was to be prosecuted without mercy, no male over fourteen years of age being spared, and the king waste be cut off from his commerce at Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Jaffna, which last kingdom Was to be reduced to the position of a Portuguese dependency. The impotence of Senarat was shown by three expeditions, undertaken by the. General in 1615: in January the Portuguese overran Gampola, Maturata and Badulla, returning to Malwana by way of Sabaragamuwa; in August, Tumpane, Harispattu and Matale were plundered; and a third campaign ensued towards the end of the year. The same policy was continued by Nuno Alvares Pereira, who became Captain General in 1616.
The good fortune of the Portuguese, however, received a severe check by the appearance. of a pretender claiming to be the Sitawaka prince Nikapitiye Bandara. The revolt began in the Seven Korales, and with assistance from Kandy soon became general. The Portuguese were in straits, but in 1617 luckily the pretender quarrelled with Senarat, one `of whose queens he had asked to wife. Meanwhile one Barreto, a Sinhala, rebelled in Sabaragamuwa both against the king and against the Portuguese, and secured possession of this province as well as that of Matara, thus holding the greater part of the south-west of the Island. The self-styled Nikapitiyo Bandara, however, was defeated and fled, and in July the Four and Seven Korales had made their submission. Senarat already had sued for peace,. but the removal of the pretender encouraged him, and by the treaty of August 24, 1617, he secured Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Panama, paying the king of Portugal two elephants yearly. The Portuguese now were free to turn against Barreto. Nikapitiye, however, reappeared in the Seven Korales, but was soon beheaded after a battle by the Portuguese commander. Barreto seems to have been left alone, as when Constantino De Sa de Noronha succeeded in 1618 he found the army a lawless rabble in consequence of the peace.
The new Captain General set about the restoration of discipline, built a stronghold at Sabaragamuwa and laid the foundations of the fortress of S. Cruz at Galle, which was completed in 1625. Mayadunne, who had fled to India, now returned and, supported by Barreto, came to an open rupture with Senarat; he was attacked by De Sa and his capital Meddegama burnt. Jaffna now occupied the General's attention. The king set up by Furtado died in 1615, and the royal power was wielded in the name of his infant son by one Sanga. The regent's attitude `towards the Portuguese was equivocal: he had given an asylum to Nikapitiye Bandara and was about to be supported by a Malabar fleet. De Sa, therefore, in spite of the danger of dividing his forces, in 1619 dispatched his Captain Major Philippe de Oliveira to deal with Jaffna: the kingdom was reduced to subjection, the native dynasty deposed, and Sangili himself captured and sent to Goa, where he was tried and executed. Attempts to recover the country were made in the two. following years by the Naik of Tanjore, who claimed to be the suzerain, but without success. The fort of Our Lady of Miracles was built at Jaffna, and the kingdom remained a Portuguese province until its capture by the Dutch in. 1658.
About this time a new European power appeared in Lanka. Marcellus do Boschouwer had left the Kandyan Court in 1615, and after trying to get the Dutch at Batavia to come to Senarat's assistance, sailed for Holland. Here. he quarrelled with the Company and in 1617 went to Denmark. In that country an East India Company had been formed, and King Christian, after concluding a treaty with the Kandyan plenipotentiary, fitted out a squadron under the command of Ove Giedde. Do Boschouwer died on the voyage. The Danes on their arrival in Lanka in 1620 were mortified at finding that the document purporting to be the appointment of the Dutchman as the Kandyan envoy was a forgery, and that Senarat refused to confirm the treaty of 1618. A new engagement, however, was concluded at Bintenna on August 22, 1620, by which the king ceded to, Denmark the territory of Trincomalee with permission to build a fort. But this fort was never finished, and the newcomers were expelled by the Portuguese. About this time Barreto was killed and Mayadunne, who had stirred' up the Seven Korales once more fled to India.
In 1622 De Sa was replaced for a short time by Jorge de Albuquerque, who built a fort at Kalutara, but resumed the government in the following year. During this period of administration he built forts at Trincomalee (1624), and later at Batticaloa (1628), with the objective of controlling the Kandyan trade, and improved the fortifications at Colombo, Galle (1625) and Menikkadawara (1627). He also attempted to reform the civil government, and put a stop to the sale of munitions to and private trade with the Kandyan king on the part of the Portuguese officials. It was in 1626 that on the orders of King Philip be expelled the Moors, the inveterate enemies of the Portuguese; a large number were settled by the Kandyan Court in the neighbourhood of Batticaloa, where their descendants are still to be found.
De Sa had orders to preserve the peace but to be ready for war should it become necessary to break off relations with Kandy. The building of the stronghold at Batticaloa in 1628 led to hostilities on the part of the king, who found himself encircled by a ring of fortresses on the coast. This he attempted to stop, and encouraged by the death of De Oliveira sent troops to cause a diversion at Jaffna. But De Sa took the opportunity afforded by the division of the enemy forces and invaded the Kandyan territory. In 1629 the Captain General again invaded and succeeded in burning Kandy; Senarat, or rather his son Rajasinha, claimed to have inflicted a reverse on the Portuguese at Ambatenna, but its date is uncertain. Both sides were exhausted, and the king sued for peace, pending, according to De Queyroz, the maturing of the plot to entrap the Captain General with his army in Uva, and to seize Colombo behind his back, in which Dom Theodosio and three other Sinhala chiefs in the Portuguese service were engaged. De Sa was ready to agree, but received orders from the Viceroy to reduce Kandy once and for all, and against his better judgment prepared to carry out his instructions.It was about this time that Rajasinha II., who in a letter to the Dutch in 1636 dates his accession, seven years before, was made co-regent with his father. The plot was now ready and Rajasinha's half brother Kumarasinha made two incursions into Portuguese territory, retiring into Uva. On the entreaties of the conspirators De Sa advanced to punish the prince. Badulla was burnt, but the Portuguese army, deserted by the native levies, fell into a trap and was annihilated at Randeniwela in Lower Uva, the General himself losing his life, on August 24, 1630. The defeat was disastrous to the Portuguese arms: the whole country few into the king's hands, and Colombo itself was first closely besieged and then blockaded for three months. In 1631 a new plot to kill the new Captain General, Dom Philippe Mascarenhas, and to seize Colombo was discovered. He was succeeded in October of this year by Dom Jorge de Almeida, who arrived with instructions to treat with the king for the recovery of the Portuguese prisoners. He had been in hopes of recovering the Portuguese territories without war in. view of the king's known desire for peace, but on the failure of his negotiations advanced in January 1632 and carried the `Great Stockade' at Gurubebile (Hanwella), where one of the slain was an English mastergunner in the Kandyan service. Born Theodosio, one of the Sinhala conspirators against De Sa, now quarrelled with the king and made his peace with the Portuguese, and an almost general submission ensued. The king, who was more afraid of Dom Theodosio than of De Alameida, soon sued for peace, and a treaty was signed at Goa on April 15, 1633. By this the rights of the three sons of Bona Catharina were recognized, the king paid an annual tribute of one elephant, and the Portuguese were confirmed in the possession of Batticaloa and recovered their prisoners. But the king, on the execution of Dom Theodosio by the Portuguese, refused to ratify the treaty, rejecting the stipulation of vassalage. Diogo de Mello de Castro (1633-1635, 1636-1638), the new Captain General, prepared to fight, but in January 1634, at the very last moment, the king changed his mind and decided to adhere to the Goa treaty. De Mello's government was interrupted for a short period by the restoration of De Almeida (1635-1636), whose rule was only signalized by a successful mutiny of the troops.


AUTHORITIES

For general history see under Chapter VI.; also, Ribeiro, Fatalidade Historica da Ilha de Ceilao, and Joao Rodriguez do Sa e Menezes, Rebellion de Ceylan{J.R.A.S., C.B. xi. No. 41). For the plunder of Kotte and Sitawaka see S. Boteiho's Thesouro do Rd de Ceildo, Lisbon, Academia Real das Sciencias, 1904. For the Saman Dewale mural tablet see J.R.A.S., C.B; xvi. No. 50, p. 84; the episode of the Jaffna prince was only known on the publication of De Q. p. 367 (Rev. S. 0. Perera, C.A. viii. pp. 1 ff.).
For the `Convention' of Malwana, see Ribeiro, book i. chap. 9; the better imformed De Q. relates the oath of fealty and the proclamation at Colombo, p. #30, and the Convention arid its objects on pp. 833,834. He also gives the text of the petition of 1636, which mentions the Convention on p. 834. For the embassy to Aracan and the restoration of the Upasampada succession see Rajavansaya (Colombo Museum MS.). The Sinhala dates for the accession of Senarat appear in Rajavansaya and the Dambulla Vihara tudupata {Lawrie's Gazetteer 1. p. 126).
For Be Azevedo's cruelties see De Q. pp. 400, 401, 488. For the Danish expedition see the ` Diary of Ove Giedde,' in A Selection from Danish History, Numismatology, Economics, and Language, Johann Heinrich Schiegel, Copenhagen, 1771. The Ambatenna engagement is mentioned in the Parangi Hatane ; the Jornada do Reino de Huua speaks of it as a Portuguese success.
The date of Rajasinha's accession as co-regent is deduced from his letter to the Governor of Pulicat (J.R.A.S., C.B. xviii. No. 55, p. 169).
For the later kings of Jaffna see Rev. S. Gnana Prakasar, The Kings of Jaffna, Jaffna, 1920.
For De Sa's disastrous expedition into Uva see Jornada do Reino de Huua, Codice 51, iv. 32, in the Bibliotheca da Ajuda, Lisbon; this account is by an eyewitness.

(From Lakdiva Books Etext prepared by Rhajiv Ratnatunga)